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Note: This document is from the archive of the Africa Policy E-Journal, published by the Africa Policy Information Center (APIC) from 1995 to 2001 and by Africa Action from 2001 to 2003. APIC was merged into Africa Action in 2001. Please note that many outdated links in this archived document may not work.


Africa: Gender and NEPAD, 1 Africa: Gender and NEPAD, 1
Date distributed (ymd): 021104
Document reposted by Africa Action

Africa Policy Electronic Distribution List: an information service provided by AFRICA ACTION (incorporating the Africa Policy Information Center, The Africa Fund, and the American Committee on Africa). Find more information for action for Africa at http://www.africaaction.org

+++++++++++++++++++++Document Profile+++++++++++++++++++++

Region: Continent-Wide
Issue Areas: +gender/women+ +political/rights+
+economy/development+

SUMMARY CONTENTS:

"NEPAD is better understood as being in the category of empty lip-service to principles of gender equality. In principle NEPAD is much in favour of equal rights for women, but in practice it proposes almost nothing in the form of action to realise these principles."

This is the bottom-line conclusion from this paper by Sara Hlupekile Longwe (sararoy@zamnet.zm) on how women's gender issues (i.e. women's human rights) have been ignored in the framework for African development adopted by African countries under the acronym NEPAD (New Partnership for Africa's Development). The author is a feminist consultant and chairperson of the African Women's Development and Communications Network (FEMNET)
(http://www.africaonline.co.ke/femnet).

The paper was presented at an NGO-Forum, 14-16 October 2002, organised by the African Centre for Democracy and Human Rights Studies (ACDHRS), Banjul, The Gambia, in preparation for the 32nd Session of the African Commission on African Human and Peoples' Rights (ACAHPR), Banjul, 17-23 October 2002. The text was distributed by the author on the NEPAD-Forum discussion organized by FEMNET ( http://lists.kabissa.org/mailman/listinfo/nepad-forum).

Because of the importance of this document, and the strong and clear critique it presents, we are reposting the full text, in two postings. The full text as a Word attachment is also available in the archive of the nepad-forum mailing list at the web address above.

+++++++++++++++++end profile++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++

NEPAD Reluctance to Address Gender Issues

Sara Hlupekile Longwe, Feminist Consultant

11 October 2002

1. Introduction

This paper assesses whether NEPAD (The New Partnership for African Development) can provide the basis for action on issues of gender inequality, and therefore whether the newly formed African Union provides a new opportunity and mechanism for progress towards equal rights for women in Africa.

The assessment of NEPAD's intention to address gender issues is analysed by looking at NEPAD as a planning sequence, from expression of principles and goals, through to the identification of the specific actions proposed to achieve these goals. The interest is to examine the attention to gender through the sequence of planning steps, looking specifically at the consistency of the logic in the treatment of gender issues as the planning sequence unfolds.

From this analysis it is found that NEPAD begins with some fairly strong statements of principle on the need for gender equality. But this initial commitment fades away as the planning sequence proceeds, leading to no adequate identification of specific gender issues to be addressed, and no strategies and or proposed actions to address gender issues. This is despite the many very serious gender issues that are generally known to be important in the NEPAD priority areas of democracy, good governance and human rights.

This lack of intention to act on women's rights is seen in the context of the African Union, which is seen as a collection of patriarchal states with a record in this area of high level commitments and low level action. For action on gender issues, the NEPAD document is not seen as a new turning point, but rather as a continuation of the previous miserable record.

Given this evidence of lack of political will within the African Union for action on women's rights, the paper concludes with some strategic considerations on how feminists and other human rights activists can better push the African Union in the direction of their own formally declared principles and commitments, or otherwise embark on their own independent strategies.

2 Gender Issues Which NEPAD Needs to Address

Before we begin our analysis of how NEPAD treats gender issues, we should first consider the necessary importance of these issues to the overall programme. This importance arises first and foremost in NEPAD's own declared central interest in issues of good governance, democracy and human rights, which are seen as the preconditions for development. Gender issues are also important, although perhaps secondarily, in the area of economic development. For the sake of brevity, we shall here confine ourselves mainly to the first area, of gender issues in democracy, good governance and human rights.

For good governance, it is axiomatic that all citizens should have equal rights in law and before the law. All publicly available opportunities and resources must be equally available to all, without discrimination. As far as women's rights are concerned, this means that there must be no discrimination against women. Specifically, this means women should not be subjected to different treatment on the basis of sex. And yet, contrary to such principles of democracy and good governance, women throughout the continent of Africa live in extremely patriarchal societies, where men control the decision making process in the government and in the home. Male domination of the decision making process serves to ensure that women get most of the work, and men collect most of the rewards arising from this work.

The huge gender gaps in literacy, education, wealth and access to power are the result of discriminatory practices. These practices do not exist only at the social and traditional level. To different degrees, in all African countries, these discriminatory practices are entrenched in law, in the administration of the law, and in the general regulations governing government and corporate bureaucratic practice. It is governments who are the principle perpetrators of discrimination against women, and the enforcers of their continued oppression.

In my own country of Zambia, an article in the Constitution purports to protect women from discrimination in any law or public provision, and yet one of the qualifying clauses in this same article exludes women from this protection in the areas of personal law, marriage law and customary law. These, of course, are precisely the areas of law where women are most discriminated against, and the areas which, by extension, legitimise discrimination in other areas. In other words the article which purports to protect women from discrimination in effect does the opposite, and legalises it.

This example illustrates a pattern which is common all over Africa, where statutory law apparently gives equality of status, but where customary law (or the local version of Sharia law) maintains and enforces women's subordination.Typically the overall pattern is that women are treated as legal minors, cannot inherit property, and cannot own land. Rather than own property, they are part of the property which is owned by men, often in polygamous marriage. Under some interpretations of Sharia law, as with the recent sentencing to death of a woman in Northern Nigeria, the legal system may enforce ownership and control by a dead husband.

This brief overview of the situation of women's oppression in Africa is presented here to remind the reader of the enormous gender issues which the African Union has to face up to if it is to claim any serious interest in democracy and human rights. Since the African Union's activities will be mostly concerned with the co-ordination and harmonisation of national policies, it is the developmental programme of the Union NEPAD which provides the vehicle for political and socio-economic development, and therefore for action on women's rights.

3 A Framework for Analysing Internal Planning Coherence

Although NEPAD describes itself as a 'programme', it is better understood as a large scale regional strategic development plan. In this section we identify the essential elements of a development strategy, so that in the next section we can use these elements to assess the internal coherence of NEPAD in its treatment of the gender element within the plan.

Of course it is often the case that development plans do not measure up very well to the sequence of planning logic which is suggested below. If so, this is because the planning was not adequate. To the extent that a plan reveals internal contradictions or lack of logical connections, the justification for the development interventions are suspect.

A strategic development plan should typically present itself as a rational argument, pursued by logical connections along the following sequence:

Elements of a Strategic Development Plan

  1. Situation Analysis
  2. Policy Imperatives
  3. Problem Identification
  4. Formulation of Goals
  5. Identification of Appropriate Intervention Strategies
  6. Implementation Strategies and
  7. Objectives Management System

Situation Analysis refers to the initial review of the situation in the area that is of interest to the plan, particularly to mention the various problem situations which might need to be addressed by the plan. Here, with NEPAD, we find mention of quite different types of problems: firstly to do with globalisation, and Africa's need to get a fair share of the benefits from the process; secondly partnership with the West, and the need to escape from the prevailing pattern of Western domination of a 'rider and horse' type of partnership; thirdly, the catalogue of developmental problems of African poverty and underdevelopment.

Policy Imperatives refer to those aspects of the policy environment which are relevant when deciding what to do about the given Situation. In terms of formal planning logic, no Situation can be said to present a Problem unless there are Policy Principles that dictate that aspects of the situation are unacceptable, and therefore present a Problem on which action must be taken to eliminate or alleviate the Problem. However, the relevant policy environment is commonly omitted from plans, presumably on the assumption that everybody knows what the policy principles are, or otherwise because some aspects or the situation are 'obviously' unacceptable, and are 'obviously' adopted as a problem. In the case of gender, the reader would like to know what principles of gender equality guide NEPAD.

Problem Identification. As already mentioned, in planning logic a problem only formally comes to light when Policy Principles are set against the Situation Analysis. Despite this formal logic, many problems are identified as 'obvious', and may indeed be so. But the 'obvious' aspects of problem identification tend to be notably missing in the area of gender. Whereas many ordinary problems are 'obvious' without recourse to looking at the policy, gender issues tend to get overlooked, along with the gender policy itself. Gender issues may be overlooked as being 'political' in plans that take a technical or purely economic perspective. They may be overlooked where the vocabulary is gender neutral, in terms of 'people', 'farmers', 'target group', 'beneficiaries', and so on, which provide an easy formula for gender blind treatment of development issues. Most of all, gender issues are likely to be overlooked by male planners who are definitely not interested in recognizing or addressing issues of gender inequality. With gender issues, it may be necessary to wave the gender policy in planners' faces before the existence of gender issues can be admitted. Despite the common lack of identification of gender issues, it is usually very easy to give gender issues a specific and precise identification in terms of the size of gender gaps, and the existence of discriminatory practices. In the case of NEPAD, the reader would like to know which gender issues, such as identified gender gaps or forms of gender discrimination, are of particular interest to NEPAD.

Formulation of Goals should follow naturally from problem identification, where a goal may be summarized as an expressed intention to address a problem, perhaps with a statement of intended quantified outcomes, to be achieved in a specified time. However, it is not uncommon for the transition from Problem to Goal to show a complete disappearance of a gender issue. Or it may be that a broad principle to address gender issues does not lead into any goal to actually address a gender issue. For example, since NEPAD claims to be interested in both democracy and gender inequality, the reader might expect of find a definite goal to close (the presently huge) gender gaps in parliamentary membership, and a statement of the time period for this target to be achieved.

Identification of Appropriate Intervention Strategies. The logic in moving from Goal to Intervention Strategy is that the chosen intervention, in order to be effective, must tackle one or more of the underlying causes of the given problem. But with poor planning, the intervention is merely considered to be a 'good thing to do', without any established causal connection with the original problem. Very often intervention strategies are not made clear or explicit within a strategic plan, but remain implicit within the statement of goals. Where a plan's gender orientation proceeds as far as gender oriented strategies, it is often found that there is no clear logical, experiential or empirical connection between the gender issues and the proposed intervention to address it. Very often the systemic or structural aspects of gender discrimination are forgotten, and interventions are aimed at increasing women's confidence, skills, literacy, and so on, i.e. limited to increasing women's access to resources.

Implementation Strategies are the methods that are chosen to actually implement the intervention strategy. They are therefore the lower level strategies. For example, the goal of increasing women's representation in parliament may be achieved by the broad intervention strategy of affirmative action. This may be achieved by various implementation strategies, such as reserved seats for women, or mandatory rules for political parties on proportion of females amongst candidates, or providing special material support for female candidates. A Strategic Plan should normally end, at least in its substantive content, at the level of Implementation Strategies. The remainder of planning, from Implementation Strategies onwards, is concerned with the lower levels of action planning, programme and project planning.

Objectives are the expression of the more specific and more detailed intention of implementation purpose, especially in terms of activities and intended outcomes. Very often an implementation strategy is not properly identified or even justified, but may be deduced by its being implicit within a list of objectives.

The Management System sets out the system of organization and management for implementation and supervision. From a gender perspective, it is particularly important that there is a management system capable of understanding and implementing gender oriented objectives, and for monitoring progress on gender objectives. It is also important that women are represented in management, and that women amongst the target group, beneficiaries and affected community are involved in the planning and management of implementation projects. However, there is often a mistaken belief that representation of women in management can substitute for the gender objectives which are missing from a development plan. A programme manager may claim that, although there may be no gender objectives, the programme will nonetheless be implemented in a gender sensitive way. Such an argument, in terms of the above analytical framework, is self-evident nonsense. A management team can only enter the difficult project of addressing gender issues if there is a clear mandate in the programme plan to address particular gender issues, by means of specified intervention strategies. In the case of NEPAD, we should expect that the plan should not only state clear goals and objectives to address specific gender issues, but also that the NEPAD management system is gender balanced, and includes people who are trained in gender planning and implementation, and experienced in recognising the obstacles and difficulties arising from patriarchal opposition to policies of gender equality.

4 Analysing NEPAD: Gender Fade Away

Having now set out the desirable planning logic which NEPAD ought to follow, how well does NEPAD follow this logic in the area of gender issues? Let us look at the above seven headings again, now to look at main aspects of the adequacy of the treatment of gender issues within NEPAD. This present section will look at the first six headings (i.e. from Situation Analysis through to Objectives), and the following Section 5 will look at the adequacy of the proposed NEPAD Management System.

Situation Analysis.

(This is to be found in the NEPAD sections on Africa in Today's World, The Historical Impoverishment of a Continent, and Africa and the Global Revolution.) Here there is no mention of a single gender issue. In terms of logical coherence, how can NEPAD be proposing to address gender issues when none were even mentioned in the situation analysis set out in the introductory sections?

Policy Imperatives.

The main NEPAD document has a very weak and unsatisfactory policy statement concerned with 'promoting the role of women in development', but this has now been bolstered with the supplementary NEPAD Declaration on Democracy, Political, Economic and Corporate Governance. This is more in line with the similar text of the Constitutive Act of the African Union. This Declaration includes the principle that it is a binding obligation to ensure that women have every opportunity to contribute in terms of full equality to political and socio-economic development in all our countries. (Article 11).

This same Declaration on Democracy, Political, Economic and Corporate Governance also reaffirms (at Articles 3 and 4) its allegiance to the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, the Beijing Declaration, and the OAU African Charter on Human and People's Rights. This latter document includes the following principles:

Every individual shall be entitled of the rights and freedoms recognised and guaranteed in the present Charter without distinction on any kind such as sex (Article 2)

Every individual shall be equal before the law. Every individual shall be entitled to equal protection of the law. (Article 3)

The state shall ensure the elimination of every discrimination against women and ensure the protection of the rights of the women and the child as stipulated in international declarations and conventions. (Article 18.3)

Problem Identification.

Given the very serious situation of women's oppression and marginalisation summarised in Section 2 of this paper, then clearly the above principles should have comprehensive and serious implication for the recognition of priority gender issues which ought to be a primary focus for NEPAD action. Given NEPAD's own declared interest in good governance, democracy and human rights, one might be entitled to expect a priority interest in identifying and removing instances of legalised discrimination in law (both statutory and customary). However, NEPAD does not identify any specific gender issues that need to be addressed.After the Situation Analysis, which does not mention gender issues, NEPAD moves straight from Policy Principles to Goals. There is no identification of the focus of problems to be addressed, except insofar as these are implicit within the Situation Analysis or the Goals.

[continued in part 2]


This material is being reposted for wider distribution by Africa Action (incorporating the Africa Policy Information Center, The Africa Fund, and the American Committee on Africa). Africa Action's information services provide accessible information and analysis in order to promote U.S. and international policies toward Africa that advance economic, political and social justice and the full spectrum of human rights.

URL for this file: http://www.africafocus.org/docs02/gen0211a.php